Thank you for your welcome. I am deeply touched to be able to address you today and here, on November 9, in Berlin. For a fervent European, there is probably no better place or better date to talk about the future of Europe. This 9th of November connects, by the chance of the calendar, two events which were ferments of the most atrocious of the tragedies of our continent and, a few decades later, the symbolic event which marked the beginning of its unification.
But the Europe of 27 is the product of a unique reconciliation, after a unique tragedy. And Berlin, on November 9, is its symbolic capital.
But Europe is not just about symbols. It is the fruit of the labor of a handful of men who did not allow themselves to be impressed by the distance between their starting point and their almost utopian ideal. Konrad Adenauer was one of them. Talking about the future of Europe under its tutelary shadow is an exercise that leads to rigor and modesty. Thank you for offering me this prestigious opportunity.
The 2th century will be the century of Europe. This may sound presumptuous, I know. Europe, like the rest of the world, faces huge challenges.
Climate change: saving the planet and humanity from natural disaster will require a radical transformation of our development paradigm. The digital revolution: managing the spread of artificial intelligence. Then came COVID-19: a long-heralded pandemic for which we were unprepared. Finally, we face pressure from authoritarian regimes. They cause growing tensions and undermine our democracies. Science and the fact-based approach are increasingly being questioned.
We are not alone. And we are not unique. Each generation faces its seemingly insurmountable challenges. But it is no exaggeration to say that the challenges of our time are the greatest, the most complex since the aftermath of the last World War. A week ago, I took part in the opening of COP26 in Glasgow. This experience encourages humility. As a 45-year-old European, father of three children, I felt the historic collective responsibility towards future generations.
Europe admired
We often hear pessimistic or defeatist stories about Europe. We would be too weak, helpless in the face of dangers in this period of uncertainty. Some parties even make civic anxieties the springboard for their ambitions.
I am having another experience. When I meet political, economic and social leaders or NGO activists from all over the world, they almost always speak with admiration of our European Union. I recently attended the summit of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States in Mexico City. In conversations with their leaders, I felt the strong, magnetic attraction that the European Union exerts.
What exactly do they see in us?
They see great power. They see the largest area of democracy and freedoms in the world. The most advanced space of prosperity and social development. They see a unique example of continental integration: peaceful and voluntary.
A successful actor
This admiration is not an abstract projection. It is explained by our concrete successes.
Our single currency, the euro, has become the second currency in the world by the amount of transactions. Our space of free movement, of which we have measured all the benefits when the pandemic has limited them. And our successes have a direct impact on the rest of the world. A positive impact.
The European Union has been at the forefront of the fight against global warming for years. Notably in 2019, when we were the first to commit to achieving climate neutrality by 2050. Others have since followed suit.
When COVID-19 hit, despite some initial hesitation, we reacted extraordinarily quickly and decisively. And united. We have agreed on the most ambitious investment and recovery package ever decided by the European Union. And this from very different positions.
And I want to pay tribute here to Germany. You have played a leading role in moving the lines on common European investments. And on recovery funding that benefits the entire European single market.
As for vaccines, the European Union has been in the process of raising global funds to finance research into treatments and vaccines. And we have anchored our vaccine strategy in solidarity. From the start, we decided on the joint purchase of vaccines for all 27. To ensure fair distribution in the Union as they are produced.
In March, when it comes to vaccines, we knew the EU was not running a sprint, but a marathon. And indeed, the EU has become the world's largest producer and exporter of COVID-19 vaccines. Finally, the European Union is the most active actor in terms of international vaccination solidarity. We initiated the COVAX mechanism, created to ensure equitable distribution of COVID-19 vaccines around the world. We are the first sponsors. We have launched messenger RNA vaccine production capacity development programs in Africa (in Rwanda and Senegal). And we are willing to do it elsewhere.
The EU has done all this, with virtually no competence in health matters in the treaties! We did it because the 27 Member States wanted it. Without organizing a convention or modifying the treaties. This is why, when I travel the world, people speak to me with admiration of our Union.
These successes and the image we project confirm my deep conviction: our unique European model will enable us to meet the greatest challenges of the century.
I am convinced that Europe is destined to become the great power for peace of the 21th century. A positive, unifying power.
We will fulfill this destiny if we fulfill two conditions that someone who is dear to you, and who is very dear to me, summed up perfectly: Angela Merkel. When she received the Charles V Prize in Spain recently, she said: "Europe will be as strong as it is united, and it can only be united if it is bound by common values. inside, and strong outside."
Unity and strength, within the framework of strategic autonomy: these are the keys to the success of the future of Europe.
First, unity
First, unity. Where better than in Germany do we know that unity - unification - makes you stronger?
But you also know it well: unity does not fall from the sky. She works herself. It builds itself. Step by step, day by day, year by year. For this "unity exercise" to work in a Union of 27, two ingredients are needed: mutual understanding and trust.
Our countries and regions have different histories, languages, traditions and political and economic environments. And it is this diversity that constitutes the extraordinary richness of Europe. But it makes our path to unity all the more demanding. We must therefore always make the effort to understand each other and to respect our differences.
It also means recognizing the same legitimacy for each part of our Union. There is no need to speak of "small" and "large" Member States. Of a center and a periphery. Old and new. Nor of nations which would have understood the European spirit better than others. It is a poison for unity. And that smacks of condescension.
Nowhere do we know this better than in Berlin, where the fall of the physical wall led to the slow dismantling of the mental walls. Elsewhere, I sometimes hear words which give certain countries of the Union the feeling of being victims of double standards. We cannot accept it. Because in a Union, there is no place for double standards.
For unity to thrive, there must be a solid foundation. Our common values. Human dignity and freedom. Solidarity and tolerance. Respect for diversity. It also requires trust. Which is born and takes shape in rules chosen and accepted jointly. And it also requires patience.
Unity is not set in stone once and for all. She is a process. A collective journey. We start from different interests and points of view. We discuss. We listen carefully. And we work on rapprochement, until we identify the common interest.
I am often surprised by the headlines before our European Council meetings. They denounce divisions, as if different opinions and national interests are a betrayal of our Union.
I don't see it that way.
Democratic debate is debating, sometimes vigorously, to decide. Unity also requires membership. In authoritarian regimes, membership is taxed. In democratic systems, it is debated and conquered. This is what leads to democratic legitimacy.
In Brussels you sometimes hear this reflection: "The European Union would be a marvelous invention. Unfortunately, there are all these Member States." . This implies that Member States would be selfish and an obstacle to achieving our European ideal. Nothing could be further from the truth.
The European Union is based on a dual democratic legitimacy. On the one hand, the legitimacy of the Member States, where parliaments are elected which designate the governments. Who represent their country on the Council. On the other hand, the legitimacy of the directly elected European Parliament.
The appointment of the Commission reflects this dual democratic legitimacy. The action of the European Union is only possible when it is based on these two democratic pillars, one not being more legitimate and European than the other.
This legitimacy is guaranteed by the rule of law. The rule of law is the separation of powers. That is to say the mutual independence of the different powers. And in particular the independence of justice, which is the essential condition for confidence in the system.
Strategic autonomy
The other key to the future of Europe is our strategic autonomy.
This term is understood differently in different places or sensitivities. What matters is not the word, but its content, and our goals.
To me, strategic autonomy means no more and no less than being in control of your destiny. And the ability to act together in an open world. It is to bring interdependencies into play, but avoid excessive dependencies. Strengthening our strategic autonomy presupposes two things: working for our prosperity, and for our security.
Prosperity
Our prosperity is anchored in a competitive market of 450 million inhabitants, which offers an infinite field of action for the freedoms to create, undertake and exchange. We need to perfect the framework. Complete the Banking Union and achieve the Capital Markets Union, to better channel money into the real economy. And we will soon have to discuss and decide whether our Stability and Growth Pact, which has served us well for 24 years, deserves to be updated.
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Ludwig Erhard used to repeat in Germany: "It is the individual who is at the center of our economy.". Our European vision is one of shared prosperity. Where all citizens are entitled to enjoy the same opportunities, and the same offers of products or services. This is the meaning of our cohesion policies, and of our recovery programme, Next Generation EU: they aim to reduce the gaps between countries and between regions. The more our economies converge, the more they will reinforce each other.
The European Union has a strategy to face the challenges of the 21th century. A strategy built on our dual ecological and digital transition, included in our Green Pact and in our Digital Agenda. This transition implies a real transformation of our economic and social development paradigm.
Climate risk leaves us no choice. We must pursue a development model that no longer overexploits natural resources, but reuses them within the framework of a circular economy decoupled from fossil fuels. This transition will require profound behavioral changes. And it offers extraordinary potential for creating new technologies and new services that will drive prosperity. The digital revolution will play a central role in this regard. Maximizing the vast potential of data and artificial intelligence will be decisive for our future success.
An exciting future for some, but which can also cause anxiety for others. Many people wonder what will happen to their jobs. Or worry about the career prospects of their children. It's understandable. Some of you in this room will be working in jobs 10 or 20 years from now that do not yet exist today. It's hard to imagine. We must therefore look ahead and provide training for these new professions. Because we will have a vital need for highly skilled workers. And because we want everyone to participate in this adventure of the future.
Trade
Prosperity comes from our internal market. It also comes from our foreign exchanges. Trade is an engine of development. And it is also a powerful lever of influence in the world.
The European Union is the world's largest trading power. But we have a problem. We are very strong, with the European Commission which is responsible for it, in concluding ambitious free trade or investment agreements with foreign partners. But for some time now we have struggled to ratify these agreements once signed. And we can only implement them, at best, only partially. The problem is in form and substance.
On the form: because of the confidentiality of these negotiations, it is increasingly difficult to explain the value and the interests of these agreements to the public and to the national parliaments which must approve them. In other words: the appropriation does not operate. We should take inspiration from the more transparent and inclusive method adopted in the Brexit negotiation.
As for substance: we need to clarify the objectives and priorities of these agreements. We started this debate between leaders at our last European Council. Do we consider that the agreements should facilitate trade and investment, within a framework of reciprocity and competition on an equal footing, while contributing to a more sustainable and fairer world? Or do we think that an agreement is valid and acceptable only if it settles all the problems of the world at once?
I'll give you an example. The Commission has negotiated a comprehensive investment agreement with China. This agreement would open access to major sectors for our European companies which are currently excluded. It would create more reciprocity. And it addresses issues of law and working conditions.
Is this deal perfect? No. Did we get everything we wanted? Certainly not. Neither does China. Will this agreement lead to democracy in China, full respect for human rights and labor rights? No. But the agreement creates a platform to discuss with the Chinese authorities these subjects which they do not like, because they do not share our system and our values.
The question is, are our interests better served, and is our ability to protect Uyghur rights and promote the rule of law in Hong Kong better served with or without such an agreement? It's not an exact science. The answer is not easy.
We must therefore agree, at the level of the Member States and the institutions of the Union, on the priorities that we are pursuing through these agreements. In any event, I agree with my friend Mark Rutte, the Prime Minister of the Netherlands, when he says that Europe must be the actor on the ground and not a playing field.
I will make sure that the European Council deals with this important issue.
Overall capacity and security
The second pillar of our strategic autonomy is security.
It starts with our “soft” geopolitical influence. Which aims to promote our values and defend our interests. We have a powerful advantage for this…I will let you in on a secret…: the world wants to engage in cooperation with us. Because our partners see the value of cooperating with a positive force, freed from the colonial prisms of past centuries.
We are working on new alliances - with Africa, Asia and Latin America. With partners who feel confident with our vision and our values. These alliances consist of interconnecting our physical and digital infrastructures. To connect people. By stimulating public and private investment within a framework of standards that place fundamental values and rights at the center of projects. This is what we call "trusted connectivity". We have the ambition to develop it with our like-minded partners.
Furthermore, since global issues can only be addressed through global cooperation, the best way to exert influence is to be diplomatically present. To engage in dialogue. Ensuring our security requires knowing and better understanding our neighbours, our competitors and even our adversaries. And to make us well understood by them. That's what I try to do, for example, in my phone calls with leaders like the Russian president. This then allows me to share this knowledge with my colleagues in the European Council. Or with other foreign leaders like the Ukrainian president.
Diplomacy is also about taking advantage of opportunities.
When I visited Georgia last spring, a strategically important country in the framework of our Eastern Partnership, I saw the opportunity to broker an agreement between the conflicting parties. Similarly, after my contacts with the Armenian and Azeri leaders, the European Union was able to act as intermediaries to conclude a post-conflict agreement between these two countries. The EU has a role to play. An important role.
And allow me to dismantle a well-worn cliché, which says that without its own defense, the European Union lacks the instruments to assume its role as a world power. In reality, we have many instruments, often unsuspected, to influence external actors. We can be much stronger and more effective by being more pragmatic and more consistent.
There are many examples of pragmatic European responses to crisis situations. But we need to be more consistent. EU policies (trade, development, competition, neighborhood policy, climate action, etc.) are often managed in silos, independently of each other.
The European Council takes care precisely to link our different policies, to ensure consistency. For example, by entrusting the Commission with organizing the external dimension of migration. We aim for mutually beneficial cooperation with third countries. We have a lot to offer them.
This subject leads me to talk about a current crisis.
We are facing a brutal hybrid attack on our European borders. Belarus instrumentalizes the plight of migrants in a cynical and shocking way. At our last European Council, we condemned these attacks and decided to respond to them. We asked the Commission to propose all the necessary measures in compliance with European law, international obligations and fundamental rights.
We have opened the debate on EU funding for physical infrastructure at borders. This question will have to be decided quickly. The Polish and Baltic borders are borders of the European Union: one for all, all for one.
Defense
Security is also defense.
European defense is anchored in our Atlantic alliance. NATO is the backbone of our collective security. This alliance connects us beyond the military to our strategic partners on the other side of the Atlantic. We share with them a common history, values and commitments.
This alliance of democracies seems all the more essential at a time when we are under new pressures and attacks from authoritarian regimes. This is why we must develop our defense capabilities: stronger allies make stronger alliances. And we are glad that the United States has recognized the value of a stronger European defense, in addition to NATO.
However, we cannot ignore the long evolutions, including when it comes to our allies. Recent geopolitical events, in Afghanistan and in the Indo-Pacific, have shown that we must be able to rely more and more on ourselves, to assume our responsibilities better. Overreliance, even on our best friends, is unsustainable.
In concrete terms, the European Council agreed on a work plan for the near future. In December, we will look at the "strategic compass" prepared by our High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell. This document will set our strategic axes. We will endorse it at a defense summit in March.
We are often asked the question: will Europe one day have its own European army? This prospect exists. But in any case, we all know, it's not for tomorrow.
Today, more than a European army, we need European capabilities. I think we need to act in a much more operational way to develop capabilities in the face of new risks, in new areas: cyber and space.
Digital development makes our economies and societies more efficient, but also more dependent on technologies, databases and connectivity. However, there is one certainty: we will have to face a cybercrisis or a major cyberattack. The only question is: when?
Recent attacks have shown that the threats are global. Attackers are too. Europeans therefore have every interest in pooling their efforts and creating cyber defense and deterrence capabilities. This should start with the establishment of an EU system for cyber crisis management and response to large-scale attacks. The upcoming discussion on our "strategic compass" will be an opportunity to study this project.
Our cybersecurity is also intrinsically linked to securing our resources in space territory. We are familiar with tools for geolocation, observation and monitoring of land and sea. But space is increasingly home to more infrastructure and services that provide connectivity functions essential to digital development.
The congestion of this territory, as well as the activities of malicious actors, lead us to also have to protect our interests there. To do this, we must strengthen the synergies between civil, space and defense industries. Last April, we adopted the European Union's new space programme: it has a record budget of EUR 13.2 billion.
We can make a difference by pooling our efforts from the outset.
Konrad Adenauer - who else? - uttered this phrase: "We should not forget that to achieve great things, we need patience." I would add the following: there are victories that come after a long time. Others can be obtained quickly.
The European project takes its time. 70 years old is still a young age for a unique organization like ours. And yet we have already achieved a lot! Our experience shows that sometimes you save time by taking your time, and other times it's good to be pragmatic and speed up.
I have no doubt that the European Union is well on the way to becoming this great power for peace of the 2st century, the century of Europe. For the benefit of our fellow citizens, and of a better, fairer and more sustainable world.
We need wisdom: knowing when to be patient, and when to seize the moment to act decisively. We will remain true to our values and ideals. And we will gain strength by being pragmatic, realistic and ambitious. Thank you.
